Strikingly enough, the money lost because of environmental problems outstrips the money lost because of the financial crisis. More importantly, the destruction done to the environment is irreversible, whereas the economy goes through cycles – periods of upswings and downturns. Our attitudes towards the degradation of the environment is unconscionable – because environmental stories are not seen as prime importance, people have not developed sensitivity towards such issues. Unless it is some oil spill, or a report released by an environmental agency like Greenpeace or a multilateral organization such as the United Nations and research findings by scholars, there is only momentary interest at best because it has no direct and immediate impact on the lives of most people.

On the ground level, however, there has been a green movement effecting change in our daily habits. For example, recycling bins for different materials are conveniently located in neighbourhoods, and supermarkets are encouraging shoppers to bring their own bags. Yet, this is insufficient in light of the overarching framework of environmental destruction and the media has the capacity to serve as an influential instrument for change and act as a mouthpiece for environmental conscience.

Perhaps one of the reasons for this lack of coverage is that within journalistic circles, environmental reporting is considered a dangerous beat. With regards to the lack of investigative reporting in this aspect, one plausible explanation is that reporters are not willing to step on toes. This could be due to shareholder interests or political reasons. For example, there could be fears that reporting on the irresponsible dumping of waste by a multinational corporation that is a prominent stakeholder in the media company could have negative repercussions on the survival of the newspaper. As such, there are complexities arising from pursuing investigative journalism on the environment beat.

Yet, there is a movement that is slowly striving to create change in mainstream media culture. The new media, for example, is helping to restore the balance in environmental reporting, in which it provides intensive coverage especially seen through blogs. Another outlet is the National Public Radio, famed for its journalistic excellence, analytical coverage of news and cultural programming. It covers a range of environmental issues with a keen and insightful perspective. Documentaries are also a powerful tool to convey and capture with stunning clarity the extent of the damage done to the environment, especially with high definition television technology. The visual impact can therefore be more effective in this light than the written word, but such documentaries are expensive and sometimes dangerous to produce.

A shift in public perception is critical, if the latest report by the World Wildlife Fund is anything to go by. It offers some shocking facts, such as, the Earth’s natural resources are depleting at such a rapid pace that two planets would be necessary to prop up current lifestyles within a generation. The irresponsible exploitation of the environment and plundering of natural resources will also have secondary impact and affect the economy through prices of food, fuel, water and energy. It appears that people’s consumption habits have spiraled out of control and coupled with the rate of population growth, our carbon footprint is getting too large for the Earth to sustain. The detrimental effects to the environment are wide-ranging and threaten the survival of future generations because people are throwing all caution to the wind and not living within the means of their ecological resources.

It is time that people pay attention to natural disasters like droughts and plagues, for these are telling signs of the festering of environmental ills. For most of us, environmental issues are far removed from our reality, but just like the financial crisis, it could one day impact us directly. Therefore, it is necessary for the media to leverage on its power and influence to emphasize the severity of the situation and compel governments, multilateral and non-governmental agencies to actively precipitate greater change.

References

Humans’ big eco footprint endangers Earth. (2008, October 30^th). The Straits Times, p. A21

Although it would be a breakthrough if one day computers and robots could behave like humans in terms of emotional responses, I think there are certain disadvantages. Programming emotions into a computer would be difficult because the way in which people react to certain situations is subjective. In addition, our humanity is defined by a plethora of emotions. When humans experience something, it is common for them to go through a myriad of different feelings, or to be unsure of what they are feeling. It would be difficult for a computer to do the same because programming is more structured and definite whereas it is hard to demarcate or delineate the boundaries of the various emotions.

As humans created computers, there is a necessity to exert some form of control over them even though we are creating in them the ability to be like us. If computers had emotions, we would lose the control we have over them and using the computer would be a different experience because of the interactivity involved and the fact that the human user is able to evoke an emotional response from the computer. I do not think this is ideal since we are used to having the computers perform tasks for us in an efficient manner and if they had feelings the likelihood of computers doing so could possibly decrease since they now have the ability to decide whether they want to or not. Therefore, the side effects of investing computers and robots with machines have to be considered. For example, in the movie Blade Runner, Woodward states the example where the replicants were implanted with emotions, but it proved to be detrimental because they developed independence in which they sought to break free from control.

There is also the danger that in time, computers and robots could be developed to such a point that they functioned just as humans do. Going by evolutionary theory there is a possibility that humans could be rendered redundant and be obliterated. This is because computers are clearly more efficient than humans, and if they were to be given emotions the humans would lose out in the survival of the fittest.

Lastly, sometimes computers and robots cannot replace humans. For example, there is the voice messaging system used by many companies. Most of the time when people phone in, they need to speak to a customer service officer to make enquiries or to seek help for a problem they have. Recording a message and having it played over and over to whoever phoned in can be frustrating for the caller. While computers and robots are able to dispense information, they do not have the ability to respond according to the different situations and generate solutions as they are programmed to respond in a fixed set of ways, thereby proving to be frustrating to the caller.

“The portrayal of Chinatown as a nexus of infection, domestic chaos and moral danger reverberated widely in the political and cultural life of San Francisco residents.” (Shah 2001)

The Chinese living in San Francisco’s Chinatown were blamed for the breakout of epidemics like smallpox and tuberculosis during the late 1800s. Specifically, they were “a filthy and diseased race” and responsible for infecting “white Americans” (Shah 2001). Reports by the San Francisco Board of Health and the Public Health Department churned out “menacing” ideas of Chinatown, calling it a “plague spot” and a “cesspool” (Shah 2001), linking its “physical conditions” to the characteristics of the Chinese. Thus, health officials condemned Chinatown as a “medical menace” and did not provide them with the assistance needed to improve the living standards of the community.

Yet, when tuberculosis broke out years later in 1939, rather than criticizing Chinatown as a “threat” to the city, the city health officer Dr. Jacob Casson Geiger put the blame on the “deplorable tenement housing conditions” that put the health of the Chinese at risk. While he noted the lack of hygiene standards and dangerous habits, he also noticed that there was room for improvement with the commitment and enthusiasm of young Asian American families to improve their living situations. It was this that catalyzed the shift in attitudes towards the Chinese, and contributed to the assistance that was rendered to them as “deserving citizens” by health officials, both white and Chinese business leaders and social workers. Through public health policies involving areas like sanitation, vaccination, the health conditions in Chinatown was improved.   Thus, this illustrates how citizenship, conduct and health were important in the change in perception towards the Chinese, from one of alienation to inclusion as a model minority.

This case study is an example of state racism being exercised through public health policy, demonstrating how the concept of valuable and invaluable life was created through mechanisms of population control. Public perception of the Chinese as a menace and denying them access to public health set the foundation from which Chinese Americans could build on to better their social conditions. Thus, it becomes apparent that racism was used as a lens through which public health was exercised.

However, state racism is insufficient to explain the social division in San Francisco. The regimes of normalization that set the stage for the rest of America were produced through discourses of marginalization in order to create the norm as the dominant paradigm. It was through the mistreatment of the Chinese that the norms of government or regimes of normalization for the rest of the American population were established. In constituting the deviant, one constitutes what is normal. The result is not just regulation but establishing a whole set of values and norms to govern the rest of society. For example, one of the few businesses that the Chinese were allowed to go into was the laundry business. This was a legislative issue curtailing the impact of the Chinese on the economy and segregating them from other professions. Being a citizen is a legal category that gives you rights, and citizenship is a way in which populations and individuals are subjected to power. Citizenship is a legal category on top of being a subject and therefore modifies experience of subjection. Through the treatment of the Chinese in San Francisco, it was apparent that the idea of citizen-subject objectified differences among the Chinese and the rest of the population, undermining equality among individuals not just in political participation but also in access to resources, privilege and other areas that constitute the individual self with the norms of the country.

“Measuring and maintaining health entailed a new way of thinking about persons and their lives in the environment and in society.”

“Steadfast regulation of the body, conduct and living environment became and increasingly crucial practice in guarding against the infiltration of disease.” (Shah 2001)

Ultimately, it was through the efforts of the younger generation of Chinese Americans that shaped public health reform in Chinatown. Their reformed attitudes were thus used as “the model for regulatory norms for the entire population” (Shah 2001). The public authorities came to believe that this reformation would not only promote longevity and good health but also have positive impact upon the social order. It was only through distinguishing the population through race and the reproduction of social differences, and changing perceptions of the aberrant, that these new norms could contribute to societal progress. Therefore, public health is not confined simply to controlling diseases and promoting vitality among citizens, but is related to the interdependence of areas like governance, race and citizenship. While globalization and modernity is a universal concept, the experience of the Chinese in San Francisco illustrates the need to accept pluralism and differences rather than operating from a standard of inclusion of exclusion.

References

Shah, N. (2001). Contagious Divides: Epidemics and Race in San Francisco’s Chinatown. California, University of California Press.

Despite being at the forefront of urbanization, New York City has had to grapple with increasing poverty and marginalization of certain groups in society, together with the preservation of heritage and culture amidst the influx of globalization. For example, the Bowery neighbourhood, which Chinatown is located in, is chockfull of illegal immigrants struggling to eke out a living. In Harlem, a predominantly African American neighbourhood, there has been much opposition to gentrification and urbanization as urban growth is feared to upset the rich social fabric of the African American population living there. As such, this uncontrolled growth of population and rampant commercialization are two problems that urbanized cities have to deal with, threatening to affect the native population and its long-established and pre-existing social patterns.

In Seattle, many major companies and a few Fortune 500 ones like Boeing, Amazon and Nordstrom are established and based there. Recently, companies like Google have also set up offices in the city. The city is known for being an economic, cultural and technological center in the Pacific Northwest region. It is also one of America’s most literate and metropolitan cities, a study by the Census Bureau has found. However, the high costs of living in the city have increased the appeal of neighbouring suburbs in Washington state like Bellevue, Redmond and Kirkland. In 2005, Forbes ranked Seattle as the most expensive city to buy property based on the local income levels.  Many people would rather commute to work in Seattle rather than live in the city itself, known for already being one of the most undervalued property markets in the United States. Furthermore, while many associate companies like Starbucks and Microsoft as having originated in Seattle, their headquarters are actually located in Redmond, approximately a half hour drive from downtown Seattle. These suburbs are a far more attractive prospect for companies because of the lower costs. Although James Howard Kunstler states in a New York Times article that suburbs will become “toast”, and end up as “slums, salvage yards, or ruins”, I think that suburbs have potential in becoming a viable alternative for living and doing business as cities are getting increasingly getting “overburdened” thereby risking being “a severe liability”.

Although cities are thriving urbanized centers which many hold in high regard as ideal for business expansion and furthering one’s career or education, the downsides to urbanization are growing in importance as the world becomes more urban than rural.  

As the New York Times article states, we need to consider the economic, social, political and environmental consequences of urbanization, to think about the problems that it brings instead of merely the opportunities.

Dubner, S.J. How Should We Be Thinking About Urbanization? A Freakonomics Quorum (2007, December 11). The New York Times. Retrieved 10^th October, 2008 from

http://freakonomics.blogs.nytimes.com/2007/12/11/how-should-we-be-thinking-about-urbanization-a-freakonomics-quorum/?scp=2&sq=urbanization&st=cse

The Darfur crisis that has seized the world’s attention is a prime example of the severity of ethnic conflicts. Initially a conflict between nomadic tribes and ethnic minorities over agricultural practices or “grazing rights and watering holes”, it has exploded and spread like a rash across the Darfur region, inflicting the lives of millions of innocent Sudanese and implicating the government. Although the state has denied its involvement in the military conflict, it has in fact provided financial assistance to the military to fight against the rebels and tribes. Furthermore, the humanitarian crisis could have been alleviated given a fairer and equitable distribution of resources and a refocusing of government priorities.

While Sudan is often portrayed as a “bone-dry desert” that is “blazing hot” with a  “cruelly barren landscape”, some parts of it are “as green and lush as Florida”, describes a New York Times article, which goes on to elaborate how, despite the huge amounts of aid the country receives, it is actually capable of self-sufficiency. Although the Darfur crisis has left many starving and poor, the Sudanese government is growing and selling crops to other countries to boost the economy, with little regard for the plight of the ethnic minorities.

In addition, the Sudanese government is “striking deals left and right with Arab countries”, has numerous business dealings and is not short of investors. This forms a stark contrast to the human rights catastrophe in Darfur, begetting questions of inequity, injustice and credibility of the government, which is leaving the United Nations and aid groups struggling to feed millions of Darfurians in the wake of decreased security.

The government’s efforts to better the crisis, in contrast to its flourishing economic activities, have been half-hearted. Its selfishness can be seen through the paltry amount of sorghum donated and the fact that some of it was unsuitable for consumption. The government’s self interest veiled as economic strategy supersedes the pressing conflict faced by Darfur.

The Darfur crisis has been a complicated problem for the United Nations to solve, especially since the government has been furtive about the ongoings in the region, and as resented what it regards as foreign intrusion by the UN. It has also downplayed the number of fatalities and displaced people as a result of the government attacks. Also, the Sudanese president was accused of genocide and planning to eradicate three tribal groups in Darfur based on their ethnicity by the International Criminal Court this year.

The case study of Sudan shows how ethnic conflicts, much like racial conflicts, are complicated, with political, legal, social and economic implications. Ethnicity has become a powerful dynamic that has shaped society just as much as class power does. While capitalism is a strong force that produces social divisions, it is inadequate in explaining how power hierarchies are produced in other ways such as through racism, sexism or nationalism. The idea of nationalism is predicated upon notion of shared likeness or shared identity in the case of ethnicity, which is necessary as the ethnic group has to present itself as a coherent unity. Hence, ethnicity can be theorized as a mode of power because it is needed to produce a community and as such, subject to social stratification and control. It creates divides among humans as governments like Sudan’s, through their policies; decide who is human, more than human or less than human based on ethnicity alone. Therefore, ethnicity  transcends making distinctions between groups of people and forms a mode of thinking or a mode of power that produces social divisions.

The Indian economist and philosopher, Amartya Sen, once pointed out that no famine had ever occurred in a functioning democracy with a free press. Democracy may not have lived up to its ideals, having been susceptible to corruption and human rights abuses, but it is undoubtedly the most successful political system. Citizens in most democracies experience higher standards of life than those in socialist states or under authoritarian systems, and hold the power to elect the government through free elections. In contrast, citizens under the other political systems experience social problems that are more pronounced, and people are ill-equipped to push for democracy. As a result, human rights abuses are more prevalent.

Twenty years have passed since the popular August 8th uprising against military rule was crushed. Since then, the country has stagnated and fallen into disrepair, trapped in the throes of an authoritarian government. While the junta has vowed to hold democratic, multiparty elections by 2010, few see this as a real possibility. A key roadblock to democracy in Myanmar rests with its fractured opposition. Many have been waylaid, either by a sense of despair or their own struggle to survive. Survivors have been left battered with broken lives, homes and spirits. It is little wonder that few are keen to mount a campaign for democracy when their humanity is at stake. There is even growing discontent with the ineffectiveness of the National League for Democracy, the country’s main opposition party led by Aung San Suu Kyi. It remains unlikely, therefore, that a formidable opposition as strong as the one that led the 1988 uprising, will emerge to push for change anytime soon.

Despite the countless setbacks, a group of Burmese activist exiles are hard at work. In marking the 20^th anniversary of the uprising, they scheduled a rare meeting in Bangkok with President Bush and asked him for help. While the President has been vocal in his support for the fight for democracy, the junta fiercely guards its authority and suppresses its opponents. Back in 1990, the generals disregarded the NLD’s victory in the democratic elections and continued to assert military rule over the country. As such, many remain cynical of their promise to hold fair elections within the next two years, especially given the junta’s increasingly isolationist policies that point at its efforts to cement its authority.

Historically, Myanmar has been isolated from the rest of the world, but even more so since its current rulers came to power in 1988. Recent actions suggest that the junta will not accept any challenges to its hegemony anytime soon. Just under three years ago, the government quietly moved the country’s capital from Yangon, located by the sea, to far-flung and rural Naypyidaw nine hours away. This sprawling piece of land boasts government buildings, well-paved roads and brightly-lit streets – possibly the most modern and developed area in the impoverished country. Officials live and work in a guarded area off limits to everyone else; giving them all the seclusion they want, deep in the recesses of the country.

The tightening of economic sanctions by President Bush after the junta suppressed peaceful protests by monks last September and harsh denunciations of the government have only pushed the junta further into isolation and deepened their suspicion of the West. The generals also hold and perpetuate the belief that the West plans to invade Myanmar, especially when British, French and American warships arrived off the coast seeking to offer aid after Cyclone Nargis struck. The aggressive position of the Western countries and their treatment of Myanmar as a pariah have served only to distance the country further away from democracy.

Long resentful of foreign interference, the junta was initially reluctant to receive humanitarian aid and let in aid workers shortly after the cyclone, because the generals viewed intervention, even on altruistic grounds, as an attempt to undermine their authority. Globalization has brought about an international integration of sorts, paving the way for international organizations like the United Nations and the Red Cross to intervene in a crisis if necessary. However, developing nations like Myanmar view them as threats to sovereignty. The universal values of human rights and democracy that they espouse rankles with the junta, which demonstrated during its handling of the crisis that they valued their authority over preservation of human rights.

Therefore, while democracy is not immune to its own share of problems like failing to recognize minority rights, or irresponsible leadership, a lack of it is far more problematic as seen in the case of Myanmar, in which the majority of people have to contend with poverty, submission and uncertainty as a way of life. While every society has structural problems like the disparity between the rich and the poor, the degree to which non-democracies experience these injustices are on a larger scale as people are naturally accorded lesser rights.

References

Built to Order: Myanmar’s New Capital Isolates and Insulates Junta (2008, June 24). The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/24/world/asia/24myanmar-sub.html?_r=1&scp=2&sq=naypyidaw&st=cse&oref=slogin

Twenty Painful Years (2008, August 14). The Economist. Retrieved from http://www.economist.com/world/asia/displaystory.cfm?story_id=11921744

The 21^st century has seen the rise of religion to become an influential player in world politics and a prime force driving international relations. While the two World Wars of the last century were secular yet violent, global conflicts have now taken on religious overtones. When religion creeps into politics, it becomes problematic. The revival of religion has been unprecedented, confounding societies where the resurgence is taking place and where societies are experiencing an ascendancy of religion. Religious extremism, together with inter-communal violence and intra-religious conflicts, is affecting peace, stability and social cohesion in the world today.

Two key events that occurred in 1979 during the Cold War could account for the rise of religion – the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan and the Iranian Revolution. More recently, September 11^th thrust the possibility of a religious conflict on a global scale into the spotlight. Foreign intervention in the 2 Cold War incidents disrupted the traditional Muslim society, and waging the Cold War in the Middle East crystallized the start of modern day fundamentalism. Iran was once America’s ally, but that relationship has since soured after the American involvement in the Revolution, which Iran resented, and now it is hostile to and suspicious of the West. The President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad referred to Iran’s enemies as “all the wicked men of the world, whether abroad or at home” and “whomsoever should serve the glory of God” (Micklethwait, 2007, p.10). Today’s religious conflicts seem to be a regression for today’s globalized world, bearing reminders of the Crusades yet also point at the destructive capabilities of religious conflict.

While there has been an influx of Muslims in Europe, they maintain a separate identity from the Europeans and assimilation is a problem. Religious conflicts can be partly attributed to migration that has been facilitated by globalization. Worlds of incomprehension are created when people of different religions make no effort to understand each other, instead assigning attributes and symbols to different people. They could think of Catholics as people who carry rosaries, or Muslims as people who do not eat pork, rather than attempting to gain a deeper understanding of religions other than their own. For example, in Denmark, where there is extensive press freedom, a newspaper printed controversial cartoons depicting the prophet Muhammad. This controversy had a rippling effect, fueling outrage not just among the Muslim community in Denmark, but worldwide, with protests in countries like Libya, Afghanistan, Syria and Lebanon. The lack of coexistence between religions and the lack of interfaith dialogue have created an intolerance of the other, creating an “us versus them” scenario.

Religion galvanizes people who share the same faith, but it also creates a cleavage among people of different religions. It imposes collective identities to belittle or denigrate other people. As such, there is a certain preponderance of religion as being either a social evil or good. In globalized societies today, religion has a grip on the minds of people, attempting to define the world and catalyse social change. Therefore, given its importance today, a religious war would bode ill as it would affect many people across the world. This is further exacerbated by the fact that many more countries have attained nuclear capabilities.

Modernism and globalization have brought about a pluralism of religions, and religion is now “increasingly based on choice” (Micklethwait, 2007, p.9). For example, there are now more branches of Christianity, like Pentecostalism and Mormonism. Modernism has also brought about more conservatism especially among Arabs. More Western-born Muslim women, or those who have migrated to Western countries, are more inclined to wear the Muslim headscarf. The struggle of some religions with modernity has created divergent views in various societies. Modernity, with its cores of rationality secularism, scientific inquiry and democracy, has been the basis of religious conflict. Islamic fundamentalism, for example, which distorts the true meaning of Islam, has not embraced modernity, a Western concept. It views Western societies as decadent and ignorant. In Indonesia, the Islamic radicals reject Pancasila, the secular-oriented state ideology, and regard the Indonesian Christians, which make up roughly 8-9% of the population as a significant enemy. Thus, it can be seen that modernism and globalization has led to religious complexities, in addition to the pluralism that characterizes modern religion today.

Secular societies have been affected by the rise of religion and religious violence as well. One way is through inter-communal violence. In India, for example, there have been recent clashes between the Hindu radicals and minority Christians in Orissa, with churches, seminaries and chapels burned down. Another way is through intra-religious conflict, which can be seen in Indonesia. While majority of Indonesians are moderate Sunni Muslims, Muslim hardliners in the country are vehemently against the Ahmadiyah sect, which it wants the government to ban as it views the sect’s beliefs as unaligned with Islam. These hardliners have protested against them, as well as burned down Ahmadiyah mosques. While Islamic fundamentalists are a minority and take root in the fringes of the country, their violent acts are threatening to upset the religious freedom and secularism in Indonesia. Such conflict and violence occuring even in secular states are a grim and foreboding warning of the implications of a lack of tolerance and understanding among different religious group. It suggests the dimension of future global conflicts.

State-based repression is another example of religious conflict experienced by some parts of the world today. This means that religion can be the “target or the motivation” for repression (Micklethwait, 2007, p.11). For example, this can be seen through China’s ban on the reincarnation of Buddhist monks in Tibet without government permission.

Thus, religion is now central to global politics, which used to be characterized by secularism. It can be destructive, threaten the balance of world power, and possibly be the core of the next large-scale global war. Interfaith dialogue is still in its nascent stages, and significant efforts on the part of religious leaders and governments in promoting religious tolerance and clamping down on extremism are necessary in order for people of different religions to peacefully coexist and thereby prevent devastating battles of religion.

References

Micklethwait, J. (2007, November 3). In God’s Name. The Economist. Retrieved

September 12, 2008, from http://www.economist.com/specialreports/displayStory.cfm?story_id=10015255

The modern prison system in the United States is a fascinating study on how individuals are subjected to power and the dehumanization and involuntary displacement of prisoners. Scholars like Judith Butler and Ruth Wilson Gilmore have written extensively on the problematic prison system in the overarching framework of the politics of abandonment that seemingly advocates an absence of rights on the prisoner’s part.

In her paper, Gilmore (1998) states that prisons in California are perceived as a means to create social order, improve public safety and round up drug criminals and deviants. However, she states that this is not a good understanding of what prisons do, especially given the prison expansion in California. The moral panic over crime as portrayed by the media and government officials is merely a ruse that covers the real reason why prisons are being built, especially since crime rates have been declining (Gilmore, 1998). One reason that Gilmore offers is anti-Black racism. The percentage of people arrested (70 percent white) to those incarcerated (70 percent people of colour) are statistically inverse and the quantities are a representation of how the system punishes different criminals in various ways. Hence, she stated the idea that keeping citizens safe through imprisonment of criminals was flawed and the necessity of prison expansion had to be re-thought in light of the huge amounts of money spent on such projects.

I also had the opportunity to attend a talk given by Ruth Wilson Gilmore during my exchange, when she spoke at the University of Washington about her new book, Golden Gulag: Prisons, Surplus, Crisis, and Opposition in Globalizing California. Gilmore stated that the modern prison system needs to be re-evaluated in light of the spectacle of Guatananmo Bay and Abu Ghraib. Instead of prisons seeking to reform the incarcerated, they were sacrificed, entailing the transformation and reduction of a person to an object, or what she referred to as an “inhuman human” subject which the state was legitimized to contain. This is in contrast to the prison system in Singapore which focuses on rehabilitating prisoners as they serve their terms and even helps them, after they get out, to find jobs and assimilate back into society through the Yellow Ribbon Project.

Expounding on the idea of the politics of abandonment, Gilmore explained how ordinary citizens are cared for by the government, unlike prisoners who were chucked aside and left to complete their sentences. Prisoners are therefore incapacitated, having virtually nothing to do all day, and together with the death penalty, this illustrates how states are sanctioned to sacrifice criminals as humans so as to preserve the safety of law-abiding citizens and as such, contributes to social fragmentation. Due to the hegemony of certain social institutions, this politics of abandonment continues and therefore the modern prison system, argues Gilmore, leads to an erosion of life. Although public safety is an utmost priority for the government, imprisonment may not always be the best option to deal with criminals because of the way it treats, perceives and stigmatizes them.

Similarly, Judith Butler discusses the question of human rights for prisoners in the chapter “Indefinite Detention” from her book, “Precarious Life” by using Guatanamo Bay as a case study. New regulations imposed in 2002 by the US government state that a number of detainees will not be given trials at all but will be detained indefinitely (Butler, 2004). Butler questions the conditions under which some human lives are no longer eligible for basic human rights, which are meant to be universal. She also questions if there is a racial and ethnic lens through which these incarcerated lives are perceived and judged such that they are seen as unworthy of being considered as humans. Through indefinite detention, Butler argues that the state therefore bequeaths an “indefinitely prolonged power” (p.57) unto itself to decide who is dangerous and as such, ineligible for legal rights accorded to criminals elsewhere.

Therefore, Butler (2004) points out that the “bestialization of the human” (p.78), which reduces a human to the status of an animal, or the “derealization of the human” (p.77) as seen through prisons like Guatanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib are an “illegitimate exercise of power”(p.67). The treatment of such prisoners implies that these individuals have such a desire to kill that they must be treated differently. In addition, the government has compared the terrorists held in Guatanamo Bay to the mentally ill as they are unfathomable, because they are outside of reason.” (Butler, 2004, p.72) Yet again, this reiterates how prisons are dehumanizing. Furthermore, although the US is a signatory of the Geneva Accord, they need to honor its protocols instead of treating it as non-binding by denying prisoners their basic human rights that are meant to be universal. Thus, she concludes that the war against terrorism cannot end through indefinite detention, and if anything, Guatanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib are “continuing acts of war” (Butler, 2004, p.80).

Hence, through the flaws of the modern prison system in the US as articulated by Gilmore and Butler, it is crucial to note that criminals, while facing punitive consequences for violating the law, should be accorded their basic and universal human rights and equal access to the law regardless of the crimes they have committed, the extent of their crimes, their race and their ethnicity.

References

Butler, J. (2004). Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. New York: Verso.

Gilmore, R.W. (1998). Globalisation and US prison growth: from military Keynesianism to post-Kenesian militarism. Race and Class, 171(1). Retrieved September 5, 2008, from Expanded Academic ASAP database.

Both in their own right are symbols of the modern woman – they are strong, confident and multi-taskers. Yet, in the final analysis, given the different situations they are in, their effects on the gender framework are divergent.

Michelle Obama has admitted that she dislikes politics, but that has not stopped her from playing a pivotal role in Barack Obama’s campaign and tirelessly campaigning for him. Her rousing speech at the DNC was candid yet compelling and inspiring, sharing her life story, painting a warm picture of her loving family with Mr. Obama and pushing for her husband’s candidacy. It was down-to-earth, with a feminine touch, yet quietly assertive and powerful. In stepping out of her husband’s shadow and rather than confining herself to a supporting role in the entire event, she has created a presence that have led her critics and Americans to see her as a serious political figure. As a lawyer and mother of two she is characteristic of the modern woman whose life has been impacted by globalization such that she successfully combines traditional and contemporary views of gender roles. Furthermore, Kantor writes that the relationship between her and Obama as a “professional symbiosis, a partnership between two passionately ambitious people who found they could rise higher in the world together than alone”. Despite society advocating hegemonic masculinity as a cultural ideal, she has managed to assert her femininity in an effective manner without contesting the existing gender hierarchical framework.

In essence, the role she is playing is somewhat unprecedented. Kantor writes that she is the first black woman who is a serious contender for the First Lady. I think that her success is due to the fact that her gender and race has not undermined her self worth. Coming from a blue collar family, she has overcome poverty, attended an Ivy-League institution and carved out a successful career for herself. She has also remained unfazed by the negative criticism that has resulted as part of her efforts to campaign for her husband. Her story is testament to the shifting meaning of gender in which women’s identities are being reconstructed as they now have greater claims to economic equality and are empowered by the educational and career opportunities afforded to them.

In contrast to Michelle Obama, Sarah Palin was plucked from obscurity by John McCain to be his running mate in the elections. Palin’s appeal is easily understandable. Like many women today, she plays numerous roles ranging from a sportswoman to a mother of five and most importantly, governor of Alaska. It is easy for mothers or women who multi-task in their daily lives to relate to her. McCain’s choice shows that he aims to reach out more to women voters. Although women form the majority of voters, McCain should not use Palin as a political tool to increase his popularity, especially when she has little experience, the very thing that he criticizes Obama for. Apart from her gender, there needs to be something compelling and substantial about her in order for her to be chosen as a running candidate. The main reason should not be to appeal to women, especially the undecided ones. Perhaps if there were some indication that McCain intended to place more focus on women’s issues, it would make her more credible or encourage greater allegiance rather than just attracting women’s attention. Yet, that is not the case. Hence, while Sarah Palin, like Michelle Obama, has successfully constructed a strong feminine identity for herself, her position as McCain’s choice for vice-president seems to discredit her instead, thus enforcing the existing gender structure.

Both working mothers have undoubtedly redefined the meaning of femininity in a globalized world. However, I think that Michelle Obama manages to effectively counter society’s advocacy of hegemonic masculinity while in Sarah Palin’s case, the existing hierarchical gender framework is enforced.

References

Calmes, J. (2008, August 30). Drawing Women’s Attention, Maybe Not Allegiance. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/31/us/politics/31women.html?pagewanted=1&_r=1&ref=politics

Kantor, J. (2008, August 25). Michelle Obama, Reluctant No More. The New York Times. Retrieved from http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/26/us/politics/26michelle.html?scp=3&sq=michelle%20obama&st=cse

In Japan, an aging work force and low birth rates have necessitated the presence of Chinese labourers taking on lower-skilled jobs in places like factories, farms and construction sites, writes Norimitsu Onishi in a New York Times article. Yet, the country is not open to immigration and Chinese labourers can only work in the short-term. Thus, this means Japan needs to procure a long-term work force that will not blunt the country’s productive efficiency and competitive edge.

Most Japanese tend to receive a certain level of education that qualifies them for higher-skilled jobs. This means that the pool of lower-skilled workers is already a small one. Onishi states that the population of foreign workers has to grow in order to counter the sharp decrease in the Japanese population. Furthermore, a labour shortage could in the long run slow down the country’s productivity, as companies will not be able to carry out expansion plans.

The problem for Japan now is to ensure that it has a ready supply of workers that they can depend on, and Onishi writes that Kawakami, a farming community will even bring in workers from the Philippines for the first time. Another way it can attract more foreign labourers would be through easing of immigration laws, as those on temporary work permits have to return to their home countries within a fixed period of time.

Yet, an issue that has arisen due to the presence of Chinese labourers is the lack of assimilation. Firstly, the culture in Japan is vastly different from that of China. Labourers who work during the farming season leave after less than a year since there is no more work to be done and therefore it could be hard to fit into the way of life in such a short duration. On the other hand, the Japanese have not been as receptive to the Chinese, with none of the Japanese the reporter interviewed in Kawakami welcome to the idea of immigrants in their country. However, in light of their growing dependence on the Chinese, more needs to be done in terms of Japanese policies on foreign workers and efforts to make them a part of the Japanese society especially if they are to work there in the long term.

As a result of many Chinese drawn to countries like Japan to work, however, this has caused a labor shortage in the factories of China. The pool of lower-skilled workers has grown smaller as more Chinese go into business or receive education that make them eligible for higher paying jobs. In addition, Keith Bradsher states in a New York Times article that the fast rising wages and other labor costs in China are drawing foreign investors instead to countries like Vietnam, which have a more ready availability of factory workers. Therefore, multinational corporations like Canon choose to save costs amidst the strengthening of a Chinese currency and opt to expand elsewhere. Locally-owned businesses and factories, however, still require blue-collar workers but given the demand for higher wages and a group of higher educated citizens in a country with increased opportunities, may find it harder to attract people to work as manual labourers.

I think that the effects of China’s one-child policy will be more keenly felt in the future as the country is still in the process of development. On the one hand, many lower-skilled Chinese are moving to Japan to work but in China itself, there is already a shortage of such workers. Whereas there previously was a ready supply of lower-skilled workers, the accessibility to education has given many a chance at better career prospects. Improved job opportunities are also a result of foreign investments brought about by globalization, thus enabling the ease of labor restrictions in a different country. However, this is a double-edged sword as there is now a decrease in the supply of lower-skilled workers even in countries like China, with one of the largest populations in the world. Thus, the challenge now for countries, both developed and developing, is to develop the means to retain a constant supply of lower-skilled workers to avoid facing a labour shortage at this level.

References

Bradsher, K. Investors seek options to costly China. (2008, June 18). The New York Times. Retrieved 23 August 2008 from http://www.nytimes.com/2008/06/18/business/worldbusiness/18invest.html?_r=1&pagewanted=1&sq=china%20and%20work%20and%20labor&st=cse&scp=39&oref=login

Onishi, N. As its workforce ages, Japan needs and fears Chinese Labor. (2008, August 14). The New York Times. Retrieved 23 August 2008 from http://www.nytimes.com/2008/08/15/world/asia/15labor.html?pagewanted=1&sq=work%20and%20labor&st=cse&scp=11